Common questions, honest answers.

A Karnataka-wide governance platform — a manifesto and an operating system for the state. Five non-negotiable commitments, twelve sector blueprints, 23 chapters, 236 program design sheets, a 10-year delivery horizon. Public preview now; party registration to follow.

Not yet. Registration with the Election Commission of India under Sec 29A of the Representation of the People Act is the next stage, after the manifesto's public-preview phase. The decision to release the work before registration is deliberate — review by citizens is what gives a manifesto legitimacy.

One person so far. The manifesto has been accumulated over several years as a side project — no funded research team, no commissioned consultancy. The founder is taking the work public for review. Names and bios will be published once the team grows and the work is ready for that visibility.

After party registration, after the team has built the base required, and after the manifesto has been through proper public review. We are not setting a date publicly until the foundations are in place. Building a different kind of politics requires patience that the existing political market does not reward.

Three things. First, the manifesto is the product — published in public preview years before any campaign, written to a delivery handbook standard, not a campaign-rally standard. Second, the founding principle is 'responsibilities, not power' — office is owed back, not owned. Third, the discipline rules: caste-blind by binding internal rule, religiously neutral by binding internal rule, no defectors-imported-from-other-parties.

The mid-term recall mechanism — gazetted in the first 100 days — opens a recall window for every elected representative at the 30-month mark. The Oath Boundary means elected representatives stop being party operatives the day they are sworn in. Civil-society Independent Audit Board, public verifier nodes, open-source clients, and statutory durability mechanisms across institutions are designed precisely against the capture scenario. The architecture acknowledges that humans fail; the institutions are built to outlast the failure.

The Karnataka State Service Log — the integration spine that mediates, logs, and cryptographically anchors every inter-system call across the state's digital infrastructure. Three functions in one architecture: mediation (every request authenticated, consent token attached), append-only logging (every interaction recorded), public cryptographic anchoring (any party can independently verify the integrity of the log).

The financial-spine publishing surface — every state contract published in OCDS form within hours of award, every payment tied to milestone evidence anyone can verify, anchored through KSSL with independent witness co-signing. Even the state cannot quietly rewrite the record after the fact.

The citizen front door to Karnataka's operating spine. Every state service, document, payment, grievance, and public dashboard in one app — bilingual EN/ಕನ್ನಡ, offline-first, accessibility-first, with assisted-access parity at every Gram Panchayat Service Centre and ward kiosk.

The architecture is built around citizen-controlled consent. The Citizen Consent Ledger lets you see every flow that touches your data, with the legal basis claimed. The Citizen Data Trust governs how the state uses your records. Post-quantum cryptography is default for new builds. Threshold cryptography protects sensitive operations. Every aggregate published from citizen-level data meets a statistical-disclosure standard. There is a statutory deletion right.

Every adverse decision carries reason, rule, and appeal path in plain language. Grievances route through the operating spine's Grievance Engine first; escalations route to the Grievance Justice Authority — a statutory body with binding adjudicatory power. The right to contest is not a feature — it is the floor.

Yes — the Volunteer Code of Conduct is part of the manifesto's public set. It governs member behaviour around caste, religion, factions, communication, and infraction handling up to expulsion. Caste-blind operation and religious neutrality are binding internal rules, enforceable through the Code.

Yes. See the Get involved page — four ways in: read & review the manifesto, volunteer two hours a week, help translate to Kannada, or support the work financially. None require you to give up your day job.

You can contribute to civic-research costs — but this is not a political donation. We are not yet registered under Sec 29A, so your contribution is not tax-deductible and does not buy any influence over the manifesto's content. Self-imposed rules: per-contributor cap of ₹1,000 / month (₹12,000 / year — see Vol I · P.9), no cash donation of ₹2,000 or more (account-payee or electronic modes only), no foreign money, no corporate money, no anonymous money, every donation visible on the public ledger within 24 hours.

Not until we are registered under Sec 29A. After registration, donations to the party become deductible under Sec 80GGC (individuals) and Sec 80GGB (companies), subject to statutory conditions. Until then, contributions are civic-research support, not political donations.

Because the working draft is in English. The Kannada translation runs alongside English finalisation, not after it. A Karnataka manifesto in only English fails its own first principle — it must live in ಕನ್ನಡ. If you can help translate, we need you.

Today: one founder, with a public-preview review loop. Every comment from the TPM Reader is read and actioned. As the team grows, an Editorial Board will take over manifesto-stewardship. The architecture commits to publishing every significant change with version notes — the manifesto is a versioned product, not a fixed text.